The Romanian diaspora in Switzerland has profound historical roots. After their forced abdication, King Michael of Romania and the Royal family built a livelihood close to Lausanne until 1948, and from 1956 onwards near Versoix, overlooking Lake Geneva.
Beyond the forced geographical separation, the Royal family never truly left Romania. This story mirrors the experience and trajectory of the diaspora, itself anchored in the interstices of two spaces, the host and the origin.
In a nutshell, the population of Switzerland has more than doubled since the 1900s, growing from 3.3 million to 8.6 million in 2021, of which 2.2 million are foreign nationals.
Similar to other places, Romanian migration in Switzerland followed a wave pattern. The arrival of Romanians escaping the communist regime, ‘and particularly in Geneva, dates back to the early 1970s when Romanians represented one of the most important groups of asylum seekers. (...) Between 1973 and 1979, 771 Romanians demanded asylum in Switzerland.’3 In the following decade the number almost tripled, reaching 2.070 asylum seekers.' (Ciobanu, 2019).
Regarding geographic dispersion by administrative cantons, most Romanians live and work in Zurich, followed by Vaud, Bern, and Geneva. The four cantons are particularly attractive for a professional migrant elite, owing to their cosmopolitan nature and labour market opportunities. When asked about what influenced his decision to settle in Zurich permanently, a Romanian professional working in a Swiss bank stated that ‘the high living standards, relative political stability as well as career prospects were determining factors.'
Left, Distribution by Population type (blue - non-permanent residents, orange - permanent) & Age group.
Romanians in the 30-34 years cohort are prevalent, followed by 35-39 years. Compounded with entry, residence, and work permit requirements, this trend reinforces a migration pattern structured along with skilled labour, those professionals opting for better-paid jobs (with specialised expertise), career advancement (from mid to higher tiers), and exposure to an international, multicultural environment. Over the years (between 2010-2019), the (young) adult cohorts (30-34; 35-39 years) have been steadily ascending, followed by the 25-29 years tier, most likely graduates/postgraduates opting to enrol in Swiss universities, which attests to significant academic mobility and international exchange.
Blue - female / orange - male
Romanian female residents have been steadily dominant over a 10-year span, thus contributing more to the increase in emigration (from Romania). This trend can be attributed to several factors, from skilled migration seeking labour associated opportunities, but also to bi-national marriage rates.
Regarding the labour market, the employment rate for foreign women (68.6%) is lower than for foreign men (78%), Swiss women (83%), and Swiss men. The Federal Commission on Migration also points out that compared to Swiss nationals, foreign women are more likely to be affected by overqualification (according to the Federal Commission on Migration).
THE DIASPORA ECOSYSTEM - Diaspora Organisations, Interactions & Impact
We analysed both the diaspora associative environment and the interactions within, including rapports with institutions, civil society / the NGO sector in Romania and Switzerland. Such an approach helps us assess the degree of embeddedness both in the host society and country of origin.
The preliminary diaspora network (mainly from Switzerland and Romania) comprises 103 nodes or entities, a web of diaspora associations, online groups, businesses, institutions, NGOs, media, churches, all interconnected to variable degrees, based on the scope, place, duration, and frequency of cooperation.
The prevalent category, Diaspora (Diaspora org.), comprises diaspora associations, formal and informal, more recent, and historical, online, offline or both. For instance, the subcategory diaspora association (f.exile) indicates an organisation founded by former exiles, political asylum seekers (1970s and the 1980s), whose primary function was to facilitate integration into the host society.
Over time, the purpose adapted to respond to the evolving needs of Romanian communities (preservation of culture, administrative assistance, applying for residence permits, etc.). In the second category (Institutions), we differentiated between Romanian and Swiss public institutions. The latter appears with (CoR) at the end, indicating it is from the country of residence. As for diplomatic missions or external representation, the subcategory is Institution (Ext.).
The preliminary analysis does not include all diaspora entities in Switzerland. Some may be active offline but have a scarce online presence. Not many Romanians are prone to volunteering, hence the lower associative density when compared to other states. Diaspora initiatives, with a few exceptions, are limited in scope because of the time-consuming dimension of activism and lack of organisational capacity (for instance, driving more ambitious, long-term oriented agendas). Despite strong affinities with Romanian traditions and culture, rapports with Romanian institutions remain low. Aside from promotion activities and dissemination of public announcements, no diaspora organisations in Switzerland applied for funding in Romania.
INTERACTIONS / MAPPING COOPERATION
Participating/organising event category (44 instances) is the predominant form of interaction, followed by (online & offline) promotion activities (sharing posts on social media, publicising events etc.).
Although not necessarily prevalent within the network, some diaspora organisations are active in initiating or organising campaigns with a civic / community impact. In such endeavours, interactions with Swiss institutions and public authorities are both significant and impactful. The scope of these campaigns focuses on the integration and rights of migrant communities (including but not limited to Romanian nationals), purported by coalitions of associations and NGOs.
The Romanian Embassy (diplomatic mission) in Switzerland is less visible as a hub although other entities promote its messages and disseminate publicly relevant information (announcements). Cooperation occurs mostly in Switzerland, followed by rapports with institutions and organisations from Romania & other countries. The diaspora in Switzerland has deep historical ties with Romania. Former exile associations still exist, albeit with different functions (i.e.: integration, legal assistance). The Romanian Community in Switzerland (CRE) is one such example.
Its trimestrial publication (est. 1982), CAMINUL ROMÂNESC where former political dissidents echoed their grievances and aspirations is published to this day.
Through the archive (not public yet), a social and political repository, we were able to trace the life of the community (from 1982 until present): the causes that inspired transnational mobilisation (i.e.: for the captive nations behind the Iron Curtain); the spaces that fostered social cohesion; and the people within.
1995
Visiting the Royal Family in Versoix, near Geneva. The experience of exile intertwined the lives of the community and of Royal family. The paper faithfully published King Michael's addresses and publicised Royal events. Below is an invitation to Princess Elena's wedding ceremony at the Greek Orthodox Church in Lausanne.
Snippets through the years
1982
In 1982, The Romanian Community (CRE) launched at the same time as the bulletin, an appeal for the construction of the first Orthodox Church in Switzerland. Over the years the parish anchored the community, a space of cohesion, as well as an expression of faith. Religion has been a fundamental component of Romanian identity. Violently repressed during communism, faith became very much a form of political activism. The Church was finalised in 1996.
1983
The bulletin promoted Romanian artists in exile, an effective medium for disseminating political commentaries and manifestoes. On the backdrop of East-West negotiations, Romanian dissidents mobilised transnationally, actions that had profound geopolitical consequences. These geographies of resistance and networks of dissent sprouted from the Americas to Europe, unified by the common goal of liberation.
1988
Causes that shaped a coherent political agenda: demands for historical reparations dating back from Soviet territorial annexations (coinciding with the national day), mobilisation against repression from Groups for Initiative. The bulletin was a medium for publicising and promoting the appeals of others as well.
1990
Then as now, the diaspora mobilised around national elections. An excerpt from 1990 analyses Romania's electoral legislation, urging reform. The diaspora has always been a strategic constituency. At present, diaspora associations in Switzerland participate in an ample civic campaign demanding substantive electoral reforms. In 1990 protests in Bucharest are violently repressed, and former dissidents launch an appeal for solidarity in support of civic groups and dissent movements.
1995
In 1995, at the Orthodox Parish is officiated the first mass (the appeal for its construction was launched in 1982). In 1996 the undisputed monopoly of the National Salvation Front (perceived as a continuation of the Communist nomenklatura) is defeated at the presidential elections. From abroad, this moment was perceived as Romania's strategic turn towards the West. The newly elected President, Emil Constantinescu, expresses gratitude towards the community, a message published in the bulletin.
Credits:
Created with images by gerasimov174 - " typed words on a old vintage typewriter. Closeup" • Yves - "Illustration foule"