Boston has a paradoxical history when it comes to race. For many decades, the city was celebrated as a hotbed of the abolitionist movement. At the same time, the struggle over school desegregation is often cited as one of many examples of the city’s inborn racism.
Like its home city, the Boston Teachers Union has a complex and uncomfortable history of how the union handled racial issues, especially when it concerned Black teachers and students. This page will discuss the union's involvement in three events that occurred from the 1960s to 1980s: the firing of six teachers, the busing crisis, and the layoffs of 710 teachers.
The 1960s
The Firing of Six Teachers
On September 6, 1968, the Boston Globe reported that six teachers – Connie Egan, Sandra Fenton, Charna Heiko, Mary Ellen Smith, Anne DeCanio, and Mary McDonough – had walked out of Christopher Gibson Elementary School in Dorchester, taking their young students with them. The final destination was seven blocks away, at Robert Gould Shaw House: a liberation school. The teachers were immediately suspended and dismissed. They did not receive a hearing from the Boston School Committee. The community, in support of the fired teachers, protested and rallied for the Gibson school to become community controlled.
Why did the teachers and students walk out of Christopher Gibson Elementary School?
[We chose] between the building and the children. Our responsibility can be placed nowhere else but with the child."
The Christopher Gibson Elementary School was a predominantly Black school. The building was in disrepair, the textbooks and curriculum were outdated, and the children were widely profiled and stereotyped by select staff. A few years before the firing of the six teachers, another teacher was fired for "curriculum deviation": reading his fourth-grade students Langston Hughes' poems. His name was Jonathan Kozol.
After his firing in 1965, Kozol later wrote and published Death at an Early Age, a memoir that described the horrible conditions Black students faced at the Christopher Gibson Elementary School. Below is a video of Jonathan Kozol reading an excerpt from his critically acclaimed book.
BTU's Response
In late 1967, then BTU President, Fred Reilly wrote about Jonathan Kozol's firing and book in the Boston Union Teacher. Reilly stated that,
The reader should bear in mind that the Boston Public Schools encompass about two hundred schools, almost 4,500 teachers, and about 93,000 pupils. How valid are the judgments of one who has served for 160 days in about four schools in the capacity of a temporary teacher, and came into reasonably constant contact with about fifteen teachers?”
Headline in the Boston Globe. Dec. 12, 1968.
On December 11, 1968, Boston Teachers Union voted not to support the six fired teachers – even fellow union member Mary Ellen Smith. The union believed that if it supported the teachers, then it would signify that it supported community-controlled schools; something the union (and its parent, the AFT) was wholly against. That very same fall, teachers in New York City spent 42 days on strike in a struggle over the rights of a community-controlled school board to select teachers, one of the longest and most divisive strikes in the history of teacher unionism.
There was some pushback by the six teachers and their supporters against the union's decision, but ultimately the union held firm. Below are two letters to the Boston Globe, offering opposing perspectives – one written by the fired six teachers and one by Fred Reilly.
Exterior photo of Christopher Gibson Elementary School. The school was located on Bowdoin Ave. in Dorchester, MA, before it caught fire in the 1970s and was later torn down. Photograph date unknown. Photo courtesy of Boston City Archives.
School Conditions in Photos
While the BTU did not support the Gibson School teachers, many BTU members became involved in efforts to improve the condition of their schools in the decades that followed. In the face of drastic cuts to city spending, these efforts helped keep schools clean and running for communities around Boston.
The 1970s
School Desegregation by Court Order (aka The "Busing" Crisis)
In 1972, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) filed a lawsuit against the Boston School Committee for the presence of segregation in the Boston Public Schools system. After a lengthy two-year trial, Judge Wendell Arthur Garrity Jr. concluded that the public schools propagated segregation.
In order to fix this, Garrity implemented two-way busing in order to uphold the state’s Racial Imbalance Act of 1965, which made it illegal for public schools to have a student body that was less than 50% White. Students would be shuffled around to various public schools in the city of Boston via buses. The opposition to “busing,” as it came to be known, was explosive and often violent.
BTU's response
Officially, Boston Teachers Union took a neutral stance on Judge Garrity's busing decree. This went against the union's earlier statements that were released during the legal battle: BTU was against the plan to integrate schools through two-way busing and was in support of a plan that sought input from educators and different Boston communities.
Once Garrity’s order went into effect, teachers and students were caught up in the middle of this violence. The union did lend support to public educators, protecting them by creating crisis packets and providing legal help to those who were threatened by anti-busing protestors.
In the video interview below, Marilyn F. Marion, a retired BPS teacher and BTU member, shares her memories as an educator during the "busing" era.
The 1980s
The Layoffs of 710 Teachers
Judge Garrity's order to create diverse schools through integration did not just apply to students. Garrity directed all public schools in the Boston area to hire Black teachers until the school system as a whole reached a 20% Black teaching staff. Hundreds of Black teachers joined BPS in the mid to late 1970s.
Headline in the Boston Globe. May 29, 1981.
All the tensions surrounding diversity and integration in the Boston Public Schools contributed to the phenomenon known as "White flight": many White families against busing pulled their children out of school and enrolled them in schools in the suburbs. This, combined with long-running trends in suburbanization fueled by federal funds and policies, ultimately led to low enrollment in the Boston Public Schools. As city revenues declined in the late 1970s, Boston was hit with a surprise lawsuit in 1980, which ordered the city to pay back taxes to businesses the court deemed had been assessed wrongly. At the state level, Massachusetts voters approved Proposition 2 1/2, which required municipalities to aggressively lower their property tax rates, starving school districts of their principal source of funding. In the resulting fiscal crisis, the School Committee ordered the layoff of 710 teachers and the closure of dozens of schools in 1981.
Below is an 1987 article from the Associated Press that details Leslie Bornstein's 1981 layoff experience and her return to teaching six years later.
BTU's Response
In typical circumstances, layoffs in a unionized workplace function on the principle of seniority, with the most recently-hired educators the first to leave. However, Judge Garrity ruled that no Black teachers could be fired, as doing so would undermine the affirmative action he had written into his desegregation order. As a consequence, all 710 teachers laid off were White.
...and in 1981, we ran into a fiscal wall that we had to have layoffs, and it culminated in the BTU calling for a teachers strike and had a big meeting at the World Trade Center off of – I forget the place downtown. And a group of us, only about 50 Black teachers showed up, and we said, 'You all didn’t care for us. You really don’t care about our kids by and large. So therefore, if you call a strike, we’re going in to work. And if you don’t like it, too bad.' So what happened was, the senior white teachers voted against the younger white teachers, and the strike was squashed. And I’ll never forget, they had these partitions. If you know where the World Trade Center area was, it’s huge. And they formed a line. You had to walk – it was like a gauntlet you had to walk through that to get to the parking lot. And we were called scabs, niggers, it was ugly. I will never forget that. So for a long time, there was a schism between Black teachers and the administrative staff at the BTU. It was ugly. And because every time the union would go into court and hire lawyers to try to do away with affirmative action and other issues like that around hiring, and then layoffs, you just alienated more Black teachers. It was unbelievable." ––Bob Marshall, retired BPS teacher and BTU member.
As it played out, the firings pitted many Black and White teachers against one another, particularly when the union considered the possibility of appealing Judge Garrity’s ruling (BTU eventually did, but was denied a hearing at the Supreme Court). BTU, having won major contract gains through two strikes in the 1970s, was now internally divided and unable to rally allies from school communities to address this devastating austerity budget. Many educators and union members – some of whom are sharing their stories with the ongoing BTU Oral History Project – cite this era as one of the union’s lowest points.
Below is an 1983 article from the Boston Globe that details BTU's next steps to appeal to educators after court ordered desegregation and the 1981 layoffs.
BTU Today
The Boston Teachers Union has come a long way since the 1980s. Today, the union’s organizing and even its contract reflect community partnerships, and since 2019, the union has celebrated the national #BlackLivesMatter at School Week of Action. Plans are also underway for a Truth and Reconciliation process within BTU, to address the union’s own hard histories as BTU moves forward as a union committed to social justice.
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