introduction
Archaeologists found the Endicott Street brothel privy in the early 1990s during a survey that was part of Boston’s Big Dig project. They were looking for evidence of 18th century mills in the area of the former Mill Pond, just on the edge of Boston’s North End, when they found a 4.5 by 8.5 foot brick rectangular foundation.
Historic maps indicated that the brick rectangle was in the backyard of a former three-story 19th century brick building at 27-29 Endicott Street. Because the project only allowed for the excavation of 18th century and older deposits, the archaeologists waited until their work was done at the end of the work day, then dug the privy on their own time.
They recovered 7,977 artifacts from the privy, all of them dating to the 1860s and 1870s.
The inside was just over 3.5 feet wide by 6.25 feet long. It was likely a “two seater” having two openings on its bench allowing multiple residents of the house to use the bathroom at the same time.
Eventually, these artifacts found their way to Dr. Mary Beaudry’s laboratory at Boston University in 2001, where multiple students studied them over two decades. Recently, Dr. Jade Luiz was able to more accurately date the artifacts to the 1860s when the property was run by Mary Lake, listed on tax records with the occupation “prostitution.” From this, Dr. Luiz was able to conclusively prove that the artifacts from the privy were associated with a brothel managed by three madams: Mary Adams (1855-1856), Louisa Cowen (1857-1865), and Mary Lake (1866). Dr. Luiz concluded that the contents of the privy were deposited soon after the death of Louisa Cowen around 1866 when the house was cleaned out and anything of value removed before everything else was thrown out.
Below is an imagined day at the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel, as revealed through the artifacts found in its privy.
morning
Dora Adams, one of several women prostitutes working under Louisa Cowen in 1865, would have woken to the sounds of her busy North End neighborhood. She would have begun her day with a morning routine of brushing her teeth, washing her face, applying hair tonic, and doing her hair. Afterwards, she would have left her room and joined her colleagues at breakfast.
Having good hygiene was part of the daily performance of sex workers. Hair tonic bottles, face ointment pots, and perfume bottles were all found in the privy at the site. The women of the brothel would have spent their time and earnings on cosmetics and clothing. Looking youthful and attractive was an essential aspect of the job. But it was even more crucial to look respectable since 27/29 Endicott Street was a brothel that tried to appeal to a more middle-class clientele. At the time, the North End featured several brothels each catering to different classes of customers.
The young women of 27/29 Endicott Street would all have portrayed themselves as domestic and middle-class young women to the degree that they could. Their hair would have been a particular point of focus as it was a vital aspect of a young woman’s image. They would wear their hair up with complicated braids, curls, and accessories like hairpins and ribbons. The 1860s was also the beginning of our modern consumer culture. Thanks to rapid industrialization, they would be putting on personal adornments like necklaces and brooches, which would have been more available and affordable than in previous decades. Keeping up with fashion trends was another aspect of respectability that the middle and upper class expected from working-class people.
In the parlor, Louisa Cowen would fill the small seed holder and place it in the ornate bird cage. As she did so, she would be surrounded by the sights, sounds, and smells of the brothel: the birds' small chirps, the creaks of the floorboards as her employees got ready for their day. Nearby, the clock would chime the morning hour as the smells of breakfast drifted in from the kitchen where their servants, Sarah Hill and Adaline Jones, prepared meals for the household.
Middle-class brothels like 27/29 Endicott Street were designed to feel welcoming. A pet bird, for example, could give the brothel the feeling of a home since birds were a popular pet. Brothels existed in urban and some rural areas across the country during the 1800s. At times they were referred to as ‘female boarding houses’ or ‘houses of ill repute.’ Women who worked at the brothel rented rooms known as cribs from Madams; their rent also included meals. The responsibilities of the Madam included keeping up the house, implementing hygienic practices, providing food and drink, and making guests feel comfortable. Madams did collect fees from clients but did not take a cut of what women were paid by their clients. Some Madams were former sex workers themselves, while others were not.
The 27/29 Endicott Street brothel was run by three different women: Mary Adams, Lousia Cowen, and Mary Lake. There is little documentation about Mary Adams, but she did make important decisions: she chose the location of the brothel and likely started it with the intent to appeal to middle-class men. The second and longest-serving Madam was Lousia Cowen, who started the position in 1857. Lousia was the most successful of the three, but her life was cut short, and she died in 1865. Mary Lake, one of Louisa’s former workers, took over the brothel and was the last madam of the brothel. Two years later, in 1867, she married a doctor named William Padelford and the brothel was turned into a boarding house. Padelford moved his practice into the building a few years later. Why Lake closed the brothel is unclear. Two possibilities are a rise in crackdowns on such illicit activity or choosing to pursue a more “legitimate” lifestyle as a married woman.
In 19th-century Boston, those who could afford the assistance would employ domestic workers to help run the house. Many of these workers were young unmarried women who lived in the house in servants’ quarters. Sarah Hill, a black woman in her mid-twenties, was recorded as a servant at the brothel in the 1860 census. Sarah Hill was born in Boston and grew up in Beacon Hill, one of Boston’s historically Black neighborhoods.
The range of work undertaken by domestic servants spanned from cooking, to caring for children, to cleaning, to doing laundry, and receiving guests. Tasks like cooking and cleaning could often take up an entire day. Soot from coal fireplaces dirtied floors everyday while food prep and preservation required hours even with more modern appliances. In order to keep up appearances of domesticity and to help run a home with so many residents, Madams in middle and upper-class brothels often employed domestic workers. Madams had their own entrepreneurial responsibilities and didn’t necessarily have hours to spare for domestic labor. Sarah Hill may have been tasked with one role, such as cook or maid, but likely did many tasks around the house. We don’t know what her wages were but it is likely that the women working in the brothel made more money than Sarah did.
Afternoon
Emma Healey, a sex worker at the brothel, would have seen the ads in the paper and knew where to go. That afternoon she set down the green-tinted bottle with its remaining dark-colored contents on her bedside table next to her wash basin. The lingering pine-like smell would tell her customers that she had taken the necessary steps to treat and prevent any diseases, and if she had not been careful enough the previous night, it would also help her avoid another potential result of her profession.
Archaeologists recovered a bottle containing a dark oily substance. When tested, it was revealed to contain copaiba oil, a product of a South American tree. The copaiba oil may have served several purposes within the brothel. It may be another perfume, treatment for a sexually transmitted disease, or an abortifacient. Copaiba oil served all of these purposes during the mid-1800s.
Archeologists also uncovered around 30 vaginal syringes. While recommended to women generally during the mid-1880s, syringes were used by sex workers to administer products intended to clean, prevent pregnancy, and treat disease and infection for both the women and their clients. How effective these syringes were is unclear, but there weren’t many alternatives at the time. Women filled vaginal syringes with water, often combined with baking soda, lemon juice, and vinegar. Copaiba could also be put in a vaginal syringe and applied that way. The women at 27/29 Endicott Street may have bought these syringes individually, or the madam may have purchased several and distributed them.
Abortion was not illegal at this time, but campaigns against it were growing, so doctors were able to run ads with thinly-veiled references to abortive procedures they provided. Many such doctors had their offices in the North End where there were numerous brothels, including Mary Lake’s husband, William Padelford, who advertised in the Boston Herald for his female “surgeries” and the treatment of sexual diseases and disorders.
Because of the nature of their work, it is likely that the women of 27/29 Endicott Street would have gone to these doctors to prevent pregnancy and treat disease. Pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases and infection were two of the most significant health risks of sex work at the time.
Walking down the street on her way back to her home and business, Louisa Cowen would have passed members of the local reform societies handing out pamphlets and trying to convince the men and women of Endicott Street to abandon their wicked practices. The crosses on their pamphlets were identical to the one hanging at Louisa’s neck.
Black jewelry was often worn with mourning clothes after the death of a loved one. The style originated in England but had its height of popularity in the United States around the Civil War. The cost of this type of mourning jewelry varied depending on the material. With an increase in mass production, jewelry was becoming more accessible and affordable. While many pieces were still being made from expensive materials like jet, gold, and gemstones, less expensive versions were emerging in glass and gold plate. Louisa was a widow, and may have purchased the black glass cross in remembrance of her husband. This necklace may have been one of the “black jewelry” pieces Lousia Cowan left to one of her sisters in her will.
According to her will, Louisa owned another cross pendant, a gold one, which she left to Mary Lake, who took over the brothel after her death. She may have worn these necklaces to appear more respectable, and she may have been quite religious, regardless of her profession. Religious piety was a large part of the ideal of womanhood in the late 19th century. As someone working in a “sinful” industry, she may have worn it to counter that assumption about herself and the women around her. At the time, there were several nearby organizations working to "save" women from sex work; these were often affiliated with a church.
Sarah Hill would have placed several bottles on the tables in the back of the parlor. As the men entered, she would have offered each a choice of drink: whiskey, wine, gin, and champagne. The men of the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel came there to be treated well and be pampered, that’s why they passed up several seedier establishments closer to the docks.
Tea, coffee, and alcohol were consumed frequently in the brothels because of the environment's comfortable, social, and indulgent nature. Archaeologists recovered a wide variety of alcohol bottles, drinking glasses, tea cups and coffee cups. It was, as many facets of the brothel were, also part of the illusion of middle class domesticity. The 27/29 Endicott Street brothel’s middle-class clients would have preferred wine and champagne to beer. This alcohol was often sold to clients by the madam to make extra money for the brothel. Excessive drinking however, was likely avoided because rowdy drunken behavior was one of the characteristics of lower-class brothels.
Dinner
The men and their lady companions would gather around the table as the servants hurried to fill it. After Louisa made a brief appearance to greet her guests, they ate and drank as the room filled with laughter.
There is almost no information about the men who visited the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel. One of the few pieces of evidence they left behind was a number of tobacco pipes. Though these could have been used by the women, it was frowned upon for women to smoke pipes in the Victorian era. While the women of the brothel would have broken many social taboos, they were most likely to follow those norms that improved their smell and appearance.
During the 1800s, men visited brothels not only for sexual services but also for the social interactions with the women and other clients at the brothel. Part of the evening consisted of socializing, drinking, smoking, and conversation. Men participated in similar activities in other social settings, such as cafes or saloons. Dinner was another feature of the evening in middle and higher class brothels. The social aspect of brothels was desirable to men because of the strict culture surrounding courtship.
During the 1800s, men and women engaging in courtship, especially those in the middle and upper classes, could not be alone together. During what we might think of today as dates, a chaperone was often present. With an increasing emphasis on sexual purity, public knowledge of premarital sex could give men a bad reputation and often ruined women’s social standing. The brothel space allowed men to have a level of social, emotional, and sexual interaction with women unavailable to them during formal courtship. The North End had a number of brothels during this period, partly because of the neighborhood’s proximity to the rail depot and wharves, bringing young businessmen and sailors to the area.
Dinners were brief but important moments for the women of the brothel. Sarah and Adaline Jones would set the table in the matching set of dishes--- Louisa’s pride. Like any fine table setting, Lousia worked hard to ensure the old set of dishes Mary Adams bought for the home remained unbroken. Whatever broke, she replaced it with similar pieces that looked at home together on the table. Her ladies, and she herself, deserved no less than what would be found in any good home.
Ceramics and dishware were an important part of the domestic character of a home. The style and design often conveyed a family’s social and financial position. Decorated dishware was also rising in availability since it was now being mass-produced. Blue was a common color for transferware plates like the ones found at the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel site. Usually the center of the plate depicted a pastoral scene or floral design while the edges were decorated with a pattern. A wide variety of plates and patterns were found in the brothel privy. Many were part of sets, and some were likely made decades before they were thrown out, but the overall effect of the tablescape would have been cohesive, despite each plate not being a perfect match. Only wealthier families could afford to purchase and maintain a complete matching set of dishes, and the wealthiest homes ate on matching porcelain. Only 4% of the ceramics at the brothel were porcelain.
Dinner was an important part of brothel life. Women and their clients would eat together and socialize. They likely drank alcohol, such as wine or champagne, alongside their meal. Details like transferware plates and cups were an important part of the dinner ritual at the brothel. During the mid-19th century, the “cult of domesticity'' emphasized the importance of the home and women's household role, so brothels appealing to middle-class clients aimed for the appearance of domesticity and respectability. Madams made very intentional decisions about the household objects they bought to furnish and use in their brothel. This atmosphere made visiting the brothel feel respectable for guests and employees, or at least that was the intention.
Louisa decided on the menu. Sarah and Adaline made it happen. Tonight there would be quite a feast: two whole roasted chickens, oysters, a wobbly jelly, a large selection of nuts, and coconut ice cream for dessert.
At the brothel, the most effort would have gone into making dinner, as that was the meal guests ate. According to the evidence left behind, the women of 27/29 Endicott Street ate well, with a variety of animal bones found. Meat consumed included beef, pork, mutton, turkey, and chicken. Meals likely incorporated different parts of the animals, for example, consuming organ meat was more commonplace than today. A number of pigs' feet were recovered from the site, which may suggest the cook pickled them or used them to make jellies. Evidence of fish, oyster, and lobster was also recovered. Lobster at the time was cheaper and not the expensive dish it is today.
Domestic manuals published at the time helped women develop appropriate domestic skills. Advice columns addressing dining etiquette and cooking appeared in newspapers and magazines. These were aimed at middle and upper-class women and played a key role in the growing cult of domesticity. Whether the cooks of 27/29 Endicott Street were influenced by such trends is unclear. The Madam chose what meals were prepared and likely selected popular dishes to be served at dinner time. But these women cooked in a time when there was an increasing emphasis on women’s roles in nourishing the family. Even though they were not cooking for a “conventional” household, they likely presented and cooked the same food other women did in their more “respectable” homes.
Night
Dora would untie the ribbon from her shoes, and slip them off. She would undo the line of mother of pearl buttons holding her blouse closed, but she let her customer pull the laces that secured her corded corset.
Sex work was one income option for women, particularly in urban areas. Though it came with significant risks like pregnancy, sexually transmitted disease, and violence, sex work provided better pay and hours than other kinds of work open to women. For many, the benefits of sex work outweighed the risks, and they chose the profession to support themselves. Many women did not stay in sex work for a long period of time. None of the women who appear at 27/29 Endicott Street in the 1860 census appear again in the 1865 census.
At the end of a long evening, Louisa would sit at her desk in her own room and record the day’s take. Business was booming. Her clients were happy, and it seemed like Mary was rising to the new tasks she had assigned. Perhaps Louisa had found an apprentice.
Louisa may have spent her evenings recording her day's business, keeping track of purchases and her income. The three madams of the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel were ultimately businesswomen in a similar fashion to boarding house keepers. The most financially successful of the three women was Louisa. She purchased a farm for her parents for $400 (which would be around $10,000 in today’s currency) and leased it to them for $170 a year. This demonstrates her commitment to her family as well as her financial success. She would also leave to her friends and family personal belongings, such as clothing, jewelry, books, china, and dishware. Apparently Louisa had an money to spend after the expenses of running a brothel. Louisa's financial success provided a paper trail, making it easier to discern information about her career as a madam than those of Mary Adams or Mary Lake.
The women of 27/29 Endicott Street
During the 19th century, while more jobs for women were beginning to emerge, few options allowed for financial independence, especially if they were uneducated. Factory work opened up to women as the industrial revolution began to take off and work was always available for domestic servants. But neither of these jobs paid well, days were long, and the work was physically demanding. Women working in mills faced the threat of accidents and being maimed by machines. Both mill workers and servants also dealt with sexual harassment and assault from male co-workers and bosses with little ability to fight against it. Being a boarding house keeper was another option for women. Similar to the work of a Madam they let rooms and charged for meals while keeping up a house. While women were not provided with many options during this period, in Boston and across the country, they made decisions based on survival.
The women recorded in the brothel may have moved on to a brothel in another city, gotten married, or entered another trade. Most women recorded at the brothel were in their early twenties.
Finding these women in the historical record is difficult. While census takers may record the residents of a brothel, the names are hard to trace. Many women used aliases or variants on their name and personal history, for example, using a different last name, age, or place of birth. This practice helped avoid the stigma of sex work and preserve their reputation when they left the job. While we have several names of women who worked at 27/29 Endicott Street, very few of them appear in the historical record again. Dora Adams was a 23-year-old woman who lived and worked at 27/29 Endicott Street in 1865. A 28-year-old woman also called Dora Adams appears in a different brothel on Gouch Street a few streets over from Endicott in the 1870 census. But is this the same woman? In the 1865 census, Dora was born in England, but the 1870 census records her birthplace as Massachusetts. So while some of the evidence points to this being the same woman, the evidence is far from conclusive. The fate of Dora Adams, Emma Healey, Carrie Allen, and the rest of the women at 27/29 Endicott remains unknown.
For Sarah Hill and Adaline Jones, their experiences in the brothel would have been shaped by their position as Black women in Boston. They lived during the height of abolition in the city, likely hearing about and even witnessing various activists campaigning against the systems of slavery in the south, including several instances of riots intent on rescuing men captured for escaping enslavement. Several abolitionist activists resided in Beacon Hill, the neighborhood where Sarah grew up and the location of the African Meeting House, one of the first African American churches in Boston. While their boss and the other women of the brothel would have navigated the cult of domesticity, those pressures would not have applied equally to Sarah and Adaline. These ideals of purity and submissiveness were exclusively directed at white women. Black women were seen as inherently more promiscuous and aggressive than their white counterparts, even though they were not.
The fates of Sarah and Adaline are unclear. After appearing in the 1860 census at the 27/29 Endicott Street brothel, they do not appear again in any census, marriage, or death records. They may have moved to another town, or they may have gotten married and changed their name. They may have worked in domestic service for the rest of their lives, found other jobs, or kept house for their own family. Whatever records their names appeared in may have been lost or destroyed over the decades, like many of the other women connected to this brothel. Sarah and Adaline’s full stories remain incomplete.
Choose below to either explore the 19th century privy at the Paul Revere House or to view the conclusion of the exhibit.
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References and Credits
The text of this exhibit was written by Thomas Begley, Lillian Nunno, and Joe Bagley, with great appreciation to Dr. Jane Becker for her extensive reviews, comments, and guidance
Images (in order of appearance)
G.M. Hopkins & Co., 1874. Atlas of the county of Suffolk, Massachusetts : vol. 1st including Boston proper : from actual surveys and official records : plate C. Norman B. Leventhal Map Center Collection, Boston Public Library.